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dc.creatorStewart, Thomas W., Jr.
dc.date.accessioned2017-06-09T21:59:10Z
dc.date.available2017-06-09T21:59:10Z
dc.date.issued2001
dc.identifier.citationWorking Papers in Linguistics, no. 56 (2001), 107-133.en_US
dc.identifier.issn0473-9604 (print)
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1811/80887
dc.description.abstractAccounts of Georgian morphological agreement marking on verbs have been frustrated by systematic deviations from regular morphemic behavior (co-occurrence restrictions and the so-called ‘inversion’ construction). A theory of inflection which does not assume the morpheme (e.g. Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM; Stump 1991, 1993, 2001)) permits the ready formal expression of some recalcitrant aspects of the distribution of agreement markers, but not all. By expanding the database somewhat and by capitalizing on independently motivated resources available within PFM, an approach is put forward here which shows the Georgian facts to fully respect rule ordering based wholly on proper subset exclusion (PFM’s Pāninian Determinism Hypothesis), without resorting to extrinsically imposed stipulations.en_US
dc.language.isoen_USen_US
dc.publisherOhio State University. Department of Linguisticsen_US
dc.rightsThis object is protected by copyright, and is made available here for research and educational purposes. Permission to reuse, publish, or reproduce the object beyond the bounds of Fair Use or other exemptions to copyright law must be obtained from the copyright holder.en_US
dc.titleGeorgian Agreement Without Extrinsic Orderingen_US
dc.typeWorking Paperen_US


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