Working Papers in Linguistics: Volume 42 (September 1993)

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Papers in Syntax. Edited by Andreas Kathol and Carl Pollard


Front Matter
pp. i-v
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Null Objects in Mandarin Chinese
Block, Christie pp. 1-25
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Toward a Linearization-Based Approach to Word Order Variation in Japanese
Calcagno, Mike pp. 26-45
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A Lexical Approach to Inalienable Possession Constructions in Korean
Chung, Chan pp. 46-87
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Chinese NP Structure
Gao, Qian pp. 88-116
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Linearization and Coordination in German
Kathol, Andreas pp. 117-152
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Revisiting the Genitive Relative Construction in Korean: Real GRC?
Lee, Ki-Suk pp. 153-177
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Subcategorization and Case Marking in Korean
Yoo, Eun Jung pp. 178-198
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Different Semantics for Different Syntax: Relative Clauses in Korean
Yoon, Jae-Hak pp. 199-226
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A Bibliography of Books, Theses, Articles, and Technical Reports in or on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar
Calcagno, Mike; Kathol, Andreas; Pollard, Carl pp. 227-237
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    Front Matter (Volume 42, September 1993)
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09)
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    Null Objects in Mandarin Chinese
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09) Block, Christie
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    Toward a Linearization-Based Approach to Word Order Variation in Japanese
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09) Calcagno, Mike
    Japanese is a strongly head final language, but the order of nonhead elements in a given sentence is relatively free, as the examples in (1) illustrate. (1) a. Hanako-ga kono hon-o yonda (koto) Hanako-NOM this book-ACC read (matter) '(That) Hanako read this book.' b. kono hon o Hanako ga yonda (koto) In this paper, I provide a general characterization of word order variation of this type in terms of a linearization model (Dowty, in press; Reape, in press; Pollard, Kasper and Levine, 1992), which allows for the treatment of discontinuous constituency and semi-free word order without appealing to movement transformations or otherwise complicated analyses bound to the notion that word order results from the terminal yield of syntactic trees. A treatment of this type is motivated in part by the observation that sentential modifiers in Japanese often appear between complements of a given verb. For example, in (2) the linear order of the adjunct gakko de, 'at school,' and the complements Hanako and Haruka appears to be quite free. (2) a. Hanako-ga gakko-de Haruka-ni kisuoshita Hanako-NOM school-at Haruka-DAT kissed 'Hanako kissed Haruka at school.' b. gakko-de Hanako-ga Haruka-ni kisuoshita c. Hanako-ga Haruka-ni gakko-de kisuoshita If we adopt ID schemata of the type posited for earlier versions of HPSG (Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Pollard and Sag 1987, 1993) it would be assumed that, in the case of (2), Hanako ga and Haruka ni would combine (all at once) with the verb kisuoshita by way of some head-complement schema (cf. P&S 1993, Schema 3) and that the sentential adverb gakko de would combine with the resulting phrase by way of a separate head-adjunct schema (P&S 1993, Schema 5). An analysis such as this, however, does not allow adjuncts to appear interspersed with complements, unless the principles of constituent ordering are reformulated to allow for discontinuous constituents. Linearization, however, allows us to "have our cake and eat it too." With phrase-structural and linear-precedence relations occupying two distinct levels of description, it is quite easy to formulate an account where elements unrelated on one level are in fact related (that is, ordered together) on another. In the case above, the adjunct gakko de is taken to be on a different phrase-structural level than the complements Hanako and Haruka. However, using a simple operation, these elements can be "unioned" into the same "word order domain," with the predictions in (2) following naturally, by way of LP constraints that allow for free variation of nonhead elements in the same such domain.
  • Item
    A Lexical Approach to Inalienable Possession Constructions in Korean
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09) Chung, Chan
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    Chinese NP Structure
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09) Gao, Qian
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    Linearization and Coordination in German
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09) Kathol, Andreas
    This paper attempts a novel approach to certain coordination constructions in German and other Germanic languages. It will be shown that virtually all previous attempts at describing such constructions involve asymmetric conjuncts, in violation of the general like category constraint on coordination. While independent evidence for the kinds of mechanisms that license such asymmetry is weak, these analyses in addition are incapable of reflecting the close relationship of the constructions in question with another type of coordination. Since the reason for the asymmetry is essentially the insistence on phrase structure as the sole means of describing syntactic structure (i.e. by relating structure and surface representation in terms of the terminal yield of a tree), we will develop an alternative analysis that is empirically adequate and respects the like category constraint necessitating a different relation between structure and surface string which we will call "Linearization".
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    Revisiting the Genitive Relative Construction in Korean: Real GRC?
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09) Lee, Ki-Suk
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    Subcategorization and Case Marking in Korean
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09) Yoo, Eun Jung
  • Item
    Different Semantics for Different Syntax: Relative Clauses in Korean
    (Ohio State University. Department of Linguistics, 1993-09) Yoon, Jae-Hak